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(For more information about the GNU project and free software, |
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look at the files `GNU', `COPYING', and `DISTRIB', in the same |
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directory as this file.) |
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|
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|
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Why Software Should Be Free |
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by Richard Stallman |
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(Version of April 24, 1992) |
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Copyright (C) 1991, 1992, Free Software Foundation, Inc. |
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Verbatim copying and redistribution is permitted |
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without royalty; alteration is not permitted. |
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Introduction |
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************ |
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The existence of software inevitably raises the question of how |
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decisions about its use should be made. For example, suppose one |
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individual who has a copy of a program meets another who would like a |
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copy. It is possible for them to copy the program; who should decide |
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whether this is done? The individuals involved? Or another party, |
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called the "owner"? |
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Software developers typically consider these questions on the |
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assumption that the criterion for the answer is to maximize developers' |
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profits. The political power of business has led to the government |
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adoption of both this criterion and the answer proposed by the |
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developers: that the program has an owner, typically a corporation |
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associated with its development. |
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I would like to consider the same question using a different |
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criterion: the prosperity and freedom of the public in general. |
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This answer cannot be decided by current law--the law should conform |
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to ethics, not the other way around. Nor does current practice decide |
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this question, although it may suggest possible answers. The only way |
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to judge is to see who is helped and who is hurt by recognizing owners |
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of software, why, and how much. In other words, we should perform a |
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cost-benefit analysis on behalf of society as a whole, taking account of |
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individual freedom as well as production of material goods. |
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In this essay, I will describe the effects of having owners, and show |
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that the results are detrimental. My conclusion is that programmers |
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have the duty to encourage others to share, redistribute, study and |
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improve the software we write: in other words, to write "free" |
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software.(1) |
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|
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How Owners Justify Their Power |
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****************************** |
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Those who benefit from the current system where programs are property |
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offer two arguments in support of their claims to own programs: the |
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emotional argument and the economic argument. |
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|
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The emotional argument goes like this: "I put my sweat, my heart, my |
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soul into this program. It comes from *me*, it's *mine*!" |
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This argument does not require serious refutation. The feeling of |
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attachment is one that programmers can cultivate when it suits them; it |
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is not inevitable. Consider, for example, how willingly the same |
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programmers usually sign over all rights to a large corporation for a |
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salary; the emotional attachment mysteriously vanishes. By contrast, |
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consider the great artists and artisans of medieval times, who didn't |
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even sign their names to their work. To them, the name of the artist |
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was not important. What mattered was that the work was done--and the |
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purpose it would serve. This view prevailed for hundreds of years. |
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The economic argument goes like this: "I want to get rich (usually |
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described inaccurately as `making a living'), and if you don't allow me |
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to get rich by programming, then I won't program. Everyone else is like |
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me, so nobody will ever program. And then you'll be stuck with no |
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programs at all!" This threat is usually veiled as friendly advice |
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from the wise. |
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I'll explain later why this threat is a bluff. First I want to |
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address an implicit assumption that is more visible in another |
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formulation of the argument. |
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This formulation starts by comparing the social utility of a |
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proprietary program with that of no program, and then concludes that |
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proprietary software development is, on the whole, beneficial, and |
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should be encouraged. The fallacy here is in comparing only two |
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outcomes--proprietary software vs. no software--and assuming there are |
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no other possibilities. |
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Given a system of intellectual property, software development is |
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usually linked with the existence of an owner who controls the |
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software's use. As long as this linkage exists, we are often faced |
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with the choice of proprietary software or none. However, this linkage |
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is not inherent or inevitable; it is a consequence of the specific |
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social/legal policy decision that we are questioning: the decision to |
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have owners. To formulate the choice as between proprietary software |
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vs. no software is begging the question. |
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The Argument against Having Owners |
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********************************** |
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The question at hand is, "Should development of software be linked |
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with having owners to restrict the use of it?" |
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In order to decide this, we have to judge the effect on society of |
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each of those two activities *independently*: the effect of developing |
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the software (regardless of its terms of distribution), and the effect |
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of restricting its use (assuming the software has been developed). If |
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one of these activities is helpful and the other is harmful, we would be |
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better off dropping the linkage and doing only the helpful one. |
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To put it another way, if restricting the distribution of a program |
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already developed is harmful to society overall, then an ethical |
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software developer will reject the option of doing so. |
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To determine the effect of restricting sharing, we need to compare |
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the value to society of a restricted (i.e., proprietary) program with |
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that of the same program, available to everyone. This means comparing |
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two possible worlds. |
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This analysis also addresses the simple counterargument sometimes |
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made that "the benefit to the neighbor of giving him or her a copy of a |
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program is cancelled by the harm done to the owner." This |
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counterargument assumes that the harm and the benefit are equal in |
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magnitude. The analysis involves comparing these magnitudes, and shows |
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that the benefit is much greater. |
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To elucidate this argument, let's apply it in another area: road |
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construction. |
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It would be possible to fund the construction of all roads with |
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tolls. This would entail having toll booths at all street corners. |
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Such a system would provide a great incentive to improve roads. It |
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would also have the virtue of causing the users of any given road to |
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pay for that road. However, a toll booth is an artificial obstruction |
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to smooth driving--artificial, because it is not a consequence of how |
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roads or cars work. |
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Comparing free roads and toll roads by their usefulness, we find that |
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(all else being equal) roads without toll booths are cheaper to |
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construct, cheaper to run, safer, and more efficient to use.(2) In a |
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poor country, tolls may make the roads unavailable to many citizens. |
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The roads without toll booths thus offer more benefit to society at |
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less cost; they are preferable for society. Therefore, society should |
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choose to fund roads in another way, not by means of toll booths. Use |
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of roads, once built, should be free. |
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When the advocates of toll booths propose them as *merely* a way of |
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raising funds, they distort the choice that is available. Toll booths |
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do raise funds, but they do something else as well: in effect, they |
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degrade the road. The toll road is not as good as the free road; giving |
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us more or technically superior roads may not be an improvement if this |
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means substituting toll roads for free roads. |
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Of course, the construction of a free road does cost money, which the |
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public must somehow pay. However, this does not imply the inevitability |
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of toll booths. We who must in either case pay will get more value for |
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our money by buying a free road. |
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I am not saying that a toll road is worse than no road at all. That |
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would be true if the toll were so great that hardly anyone used the |
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road--but this is an unlikely policy for a toll collector. However, as |
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long as the toll booths cause significant waste and inconvenience, it is |
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better to raise the funds in a less obstructive fashion. |
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To apply the same argument to software development, I will now show |
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that having "toll booths" for useful software programs costs society |
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dearly: it makes the programs more expensive to construct, more |
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expensive to distribute, and less satisfying and efficient to use. It |
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will follow that program construction should be encouraged in some other |
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way. Then I will go on to explain other methods of encouraging and (to |
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the extent actually necessary) funding software development. |
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The Harm Done by Obstructing Software |
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===================================== |
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Consider for a moment that a program has been developed, and any |
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necessary payments for its development have been made; now society must |
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choose either to make it proprietary or allow free sharing and use. |
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Assume that the existence of the program and its availability is a |
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desirable thing.(3) |
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Restrictions on the distribution and modification of the program |
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cannot facilitate its use. They can only interfere. So the effect can |
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only be negative. But how much? And what kind? |
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Three different levels of material harm come from such obstruction: |
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* Fewer people use the program. |
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* None of the users can adapt or fix the program. |
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* Other developers cannot learn from the program, or base new work |
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on it. |
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Each level of material harm has a concomitant form of psychosocial |
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harm. This refers to the effect that people's decisions have on their |
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subsequent feelings, attitudes and predispositions. These changes in |
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people's ways of thinking will then have a further effect on their |
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relationships with their fellow citizens, and can have material |
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consequences. |
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The three levels of material harm waste part of the value that the |
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program could contribute, but they cannot reduce it to zero. If they |
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waste nearly all the value of the program, then writing the program |
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harms society by at most the effort that went into writing the program. |
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Arguably a program that is profitable to sell must provide some net |
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direct material benefit. |
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However, taking account of the concomitant psychosocial harm, there |
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is no limit to the harm that proprietary software development can do. |
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Obstructing Use of Programs |
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=========================== |
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The first level of harm impedes the simple use of a program. A copy |
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of a program has nearly zero marginal cost (and you can pay this cost by |
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doing the work yourself), so in a free market, it would have nearly zero |
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price. A license fee is a significant disincentive to use the program. |
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If a widely-useful program is proprietary, far fewer people will use it. |
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It is easy to show that the total contribution of a program to |
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society is reduced by assigning an owner to it. Each potential user of |
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the program, faced with the need to pay to use it, may choose to pay, |
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or may forego use of the program. When a user chooses to pay, this is a |
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zero-sum transfer of wealth between two parties. But each time someone |
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chooses to forego use of the program, this harms that person without |
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benefiting anyone. The sum of negative numbers and zeros must be |
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negative. |
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But this does not reduce the amount of work it takes to *develop* |
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the program. As a result, the efficiency of the whole process, in |
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delivered user satisfaction per hour of work, is reduced. |
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This reflects a crucial difference between copies of programs and |
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cars, chairs, or sandwiches. There is no copying machine for material |
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objects outside of science fiction. But programs are easy to copy; |
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anyone can produce as many copies as are wanted, with very little |
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effort. This isn't true for material objects because matter is |
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conserved: each new copy has to be built from raw materials in the same |
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way that the first copy was built. |
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With material objects, a disincentive to use them makes sense, |
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because fewer objects bought means less raw materials and work needed |
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to make them. It's true that there is usually also a startup cost, a |
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development cost, which is spread over the production run. But as long |
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as the marginal cost of production is significant, adding a share of the |
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development cost does not make a qualitative difference. And it does |
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not require restrictions on the freedom of ordinary users. |
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However, imposing a price on something that would otherwise be free |
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is a qualitative change. A centrally-imposed fee for software |
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distribution becomes a powerful disincentive. |
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What's more, central production as now practiced is inefficient even |
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as a means of delivering copies of software. This system involves |
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enclosing physical disks or tapes in superfluous packaging, shipping |
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large numbers of them around the world, and storing them for sale. This |
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cost is presented as an expense of doing business; in truth, it is part |
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of the waste caused by having owners. |
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Damaging Social Cohesion |
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======================== |
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Suppose that both you and your neighbor would find it useful to run a |
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certain program. In ethical concern for your neighbor, you should feel |
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that proper handling of the situation will enable both of you to use it. |
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A proposal to permit only one of you to use the program, while |
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restraining the other, is divisive; neither you nor your neighbor should |
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find it acceptable. |
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Signing a typical software license agreement means betraying your |
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neighbor: "I promise to deprive my neighbor of this program so that I |
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can have a copy for myself." People who make such choices feel |
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internal psychological pressure to justify them, by downgrading the |
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importance of helping one's neighbors--thus public spirit suffers. |
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This is psychosocial harm associated with the material harm of |
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discouraging use of the program. |
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Many users unconsciously recognize the wrong of refusing to share, so |
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they decide to ignore the licenses and laws, and share programs anyway. |
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But they often feel guilty about doing so. They know that they must |
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break the laws in order to be good neighbors, but they still consider |
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the laws authoritative, and they conclude that being a good neighbor |
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(which they are) is naughty or shameful. That is also a kind of |
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psychosocial harm, but one can escape it by deciding that these licenses |
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and laws have no moral force. |
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Programmers also suffer psychosocial harm knowing that many users |
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will not be allowed to use their work. This leads to an attitude of |
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cynicism or denial. A programmer may describe enthusiastically the |
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work that he finds technically exciting; then when asked, "Will I be |
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permitted to use it?", his face falls, and he admits the answer is no. |
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To avoid feeling discouraged, he either ignores this fact most of the |
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time or adopts a cynical stance designed to minimize the importance of |
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it. |
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|
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Since the age of Reagan, the greatest scarcity in the United States |
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is not technical innovation, but rather the willingness to work together |
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for the public good. It makes no sense to encourage the former at the |
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expense of the latter. |
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|
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Obstructing Custom Adaptation of Programs |
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========================================= |
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|
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The second level of material harm is the inability to adapt programs. |
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The ease of modification of software is one of its great advantages over |
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older technology. But most commercially available software isn't |
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available for modification, even after you buy it. It's available for |
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you to take it or leave it, as a black box--that is all. |
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|
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A program that you can run consists of a series of numbers whose |
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meaning is obscure. No one, not even a good programmer, can easily |
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change the numbers to make the program do something different. |
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|
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Programmers normally work with the "source code" for a program, which |
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is written in a programming language such as Fortran or C. It uses |
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names to designate the data being used and the parts of the program, and |
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it represents operations with symbols such as `+' for addition and `-' |
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for subtraction. It is designed to help programmers read and change |
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programs. Here is an example; a program to calculate the distance |
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between two points in a plane: |
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|
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float |
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distance (p0, p1) |
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struct point p0, p1; |
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{ |
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float xdist = p1.x - p0.x; |
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float ydist = p1.y - p0.y; |
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return sqrt (xdist * xdist + ydist * ydist); |
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} |
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|
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Here is the same program in executable form, on the computer I |
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normally use: |
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|
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1314258944 -232267772 -231844864 1634862 |
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1411907592 -231844736 2159150 1420296208 |
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-234880989 -234879837 -234879966 -232295424 |
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1644167167 -3214848 1090581031 1962942495 |
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572518958 -803143692 1314803317 |
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Source code is useful (at least potentially) to every user of a |
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program. But most users are not allowed to have copies of the source |
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code. Usually the source code for a proprietary program is kept secret |
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by the owner, lest anybody else learn something from it. Users receive |
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only the files of incomprehensible numbers that the computer will |
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execute. This means that only the program's owner can change the |
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program. |
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|
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A friend once told me of working as a programmer in a bank for about |
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six months, writing a program similar to something that was commercially |
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available. She believed that if she could have gotten source code for |
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that commercially available program, it could easily have been adapted |
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to their needs. The bank was willing to pay for this, but was not |
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permitted to--the source code was a secret. So she had to do six |
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months of make-work, work that counts in the GNP but was actually waste. |
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|
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The MIT Artificial Intelligence lab (AI lab) received a graphics |
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printer as a gift from Xerox around 1977. It was run by free software |
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to which we added many convenient features. For example, the software |
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would notify a user immediately on completion of a print job. Whenever |
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the printer had trouble, such as a paper jam or running out of paper, |
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the software would immediately notify all users who had print jobs |
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queued. These features facilitated smooth operation. |
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|
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Later Xerox gave the AI lab a newer, faster printer, one of the first |
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laser printers. It was driven by proprietary software that ran in a |
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separate dedicated computer, so we couldn't add any of our favorite |
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features. We could arrange to send a notification when a print job was |
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sent to the dedicated computer, but not when the job was actually |
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printed (and the delay was usually considerable). There was no way to |
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find out when the job was actually printed; you could only guess. And |
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no one was informed when there was a paper jam, so the printer often |
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went for an hour without being fixed. |
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|---|
| 374 |
The system programmers at the AI lab were capable of fixing such |
|---|
| 375 |
problems, probably as capable as the original authors of the program. |
|---|
| 376 |
Xerox was uninterested in fixing them, and chose to prevent us, so we |
|---|
| 377 |
were forced to accept the problems. They were never fixed. |
|---|
| 378 |
|
|---|
| 379 |
Most good programmers have experienced this frustration. The bank |
|---|
| 380 |
could afford to solve the problem by writing a new program from |
|---|
| 381 |
scratch, but a typical user, no matter how skilled, can only give up. |
|---|
| 382 |
|
|---|
| 383 |
Giving up causes psychosocial harm--to the spirit of self-reliance. |
|---|
| 384 |
It is demoralizing to live in a house that you cannot rearrange to suit |
|---|
| 385 |
your needs. It leads to resignation and discouragement, which can |
|---|
| 386 |
spread to affect other aspects of one's life. People who feel this way |
|---|
| 387 |
are unhappy and do not do good work. |
|---|
| 388 |
|
|---|
| 389 |
Imagine what it would be like if recipes were hoarded in the same |
|---|
| 390 |
fashion as software. You might say, "How do I change this recipe to |
|---|
| 391 |
take out the salt?", and the great chef would respond, "How dare you |
|---|
| 392 |
insult my recipe, the child of my brain and my palate, by trying to |
|---|
| 393 |
tamper with it? You don't have the judgment to change my recipe and |
|---|
| 394 |
make it work right!" |
|---|
| 395 |
|
|---|
| 396 |
"But my doctor says I'm not supposed to eat salt! What can I do? |
|---|
| 397 |
Will you take out the salt for me?" |
|---|
| 398 |
|
|---|
| 399 |
"I would be glad to do that; my fee is only $50,000." Since the |
|---|
| 400 |
owner has a monopoly on changes, the fee tends to be large. "However, |
|---|
| 401 |
right now I don't have time. I am busy with a commission to design a |
|---|
| 402 |
new recipe for ship's biscuit for the Navy Department. I might get |
|---|
| 403 |
around to you in about two years." |
|---|
| 404 |
|
|---|
| 405 |
Obstructing Software Development |
|---|
| 406 |
================================ |
|---|
| 407 |
|
|---|
| 408 |
The third level of material harm affects software development. |
|---|
| 409 |
Software development used to be an evolutionary process, where a person |
|---|
| 410 |
would take an existing program and rewrite parts of it for one new |
|---|
| 411 |
feature, and then another person would rewrite parts to add another |
|---|
| 412 |
feature; in some cases, this continued over a period of twenty years. |
|---|
| 413 |
Meanwhile, parts of the program would be "cannibalized" to form the |
|---|
| 414 |
beginnings of other programs. |
|---|
| 415 |
|
|---|
| 416 |
The existence of owners prevents this kind of evolution, making it |
|---|
| 417 |
necessary to start from scratch when developing a program. It also |
|---|
| 418 |
prevents new practitioners from studying existing programs to learn |
|---|
| 419 |
useful techniques or even how large programs can be structured. |
|---|
| 420 |
|
|---|
| 421 |
Owners also obstruct education. I have met bright students in |
|---|
| 422 |
computer science who have never seen the source code of a large |
|---|
| 423 |
program. They may be good at writing small programs, but they can't |
|---|
| 424 |
begin to learn the different skills of writing large ones if they can't |
|---|
| 425 |
see how others have done it. |
|---|
| 426 |
|
|---|
| 427 |
In any intellectual field, one can reach greater heights by standing |
|---|
| 428 |
on the shoulders of others. But that is no longer generally allowed in |
|---|
| 429 |
the software field--you can only stand on the shoulders of the other |
|---|
| 430 |
people *in your own company*. |
|---|
| 431 |
|
|---|
| 432 |
The associated psychosocial harm affects the spirit of scientific |
|---|
| 433 |
cooperation, which used to be so strong that scientists would cooperate |
|---|
| 434 |
even when their countries were at war. In this spirit, Japanese |
|---|
| 435 |
oceanographers abandoning their lab on an island in the Pacific |
|---|
| 436 |
carefully preserved their work for the invading U.S. Marines, and left a |
|---|
| 437 |
note asking them to take good care of it. |
|---|
| 438 |
|
|---|
| 439 |
Conflict for profit has destroyed what international conflict spared. |
|---|
| 440 |
Nowadays scientists in many fields don't publish enough in their papers |
|---|
| 441 |
to enable others to replicate the experiment. They publish only enough |
|---|
| 442 |
to let readers marvel at how much they were able to do. This is |
|---|
| 443 |
certainly true in computer science, where the source code for the |
|---|
| 444 |
programs reported on is usually secret. |
|---|
| 445 |
|
|---|
| 446 |
It Does Not Matter How Sharing Is Restricted |
|---|
| 447 |
============================================ |
|---|
| 448 |
|
|---|
| 449 |
I have been discussing the effects of preventing people from copying, |
|---|
| 450 |
changing and building on a program. I have not specified how this |
|---|
| 451 |
obstruction is carried out, because that doesn't affect the conclusion. |
|---|
| 452 |
Whether it is done by copy protection, or copyright, or licenses, or |
|---|
| 453 |
encryption, or ROM cards, or hardware serial numbers, if it *succeeds* |
|---|
| 454 |
in preventing use, it does harm. |
|---|
| 455 |
|
|---|
| 456 |
Users do consider some of these methods more obnoxious than others. |
|---|
| 457 |
I suggest that the methods most hated are those that accomplish their |
|---|
| 458 |
objective. |
|---|
| 459 |
|
|---|
| 460 |
Software Should be Free |
|---|
| 461 |
======================= |
|---|
| 462 |
|
|---|
| 463 |
I have shown how ownership of a program--the power to restrict |
|---|
| 464 |
changing or copying it--is obstructive. Its negative effects are |
|---|
| 465 |
widespread and important. It follows that society shouldn't have |
|---|
| 466 |
owners for programs. |
|---|
| 467 |
|
|---|
| 468 |
Another way to understand this is that what society needs is free |
|---|
| 469 |
software, and proprietary software is a poor substitute. Encouraging |
|---|
| 470 |
the substitute is not a rational way to get what we need. |
|---|
| 471 |
|
|---|
| 472 |
Vaclav Havel has advised us to "Work for something because it is |
|---|
| 473 |
good, not just because it stands a chance to succeed." A business |
|---|
| 474 |
making proprietary software stands a chance of success in its own narrow |
|---|
| 475 |
terms, but it is not what is good for society. |
|---|
| 476 |
|
|---|
| 477 |
Why People Will Develop Software |
|---|
| 478 |
******************************** |
|---|
| 479 |
|
|---|
| 480 |
If we eliminate intellectual property as a means of encouraging |
|---|
| 481 |
people to develop software, at first less software will be developed, |
|---|
| 482 |
but that software will be more useful. It is not clear whether the |
|---|
| 483 |
overall delivered user satisfaction will be less; but if it is, or if |
|---|
| 484 |
we wish to increase it anyway, there are other ways to encourage |
|---|
| 485 |
development, just as there are ways besides toll booths to raise money |
|---|
| 486 |
for streets. Before I talk about how that can be done, first I want to |
|---|
| 487 |
question how much artificial encouragement is truly necessary. |
|---|
| 488 |
|
|---|
| 489 |
Programming is Fun |
|---|
| 490 |
================== |
|---|
| 491 |
|
|---|
| 492 |
There are some lines of work that few will enter except for money; |
|---|
| 493 |
road construction, for example. There are other fields of study and |
|---|
| 494 |
art in which there is little chance to become rich, which people enter |
|---|
| 495 |
for their fascination or their perceived value to society. Examples |
|---|
| 496 |
include mathematical logic, classical music, and archaeology; and |
|---|
| 497 |
political organizing among working people. People compete, more sadly |
|---|
| 498 |
than bitterly, for the few funded positions available, none of which is |
|---|
| 499 |
funded very well. They may even pay for the chance to work in the |
|---|
| 500 |
field, if they can afford to. |
|---|
| 501 |
|
|---|
| 502 |
Such a field can transform itself overnight if it begins to offer the |
|---|
| 503 |
possibility of getting rich. When one worker gets rich, others demand |
|---|
| 504 |
the same opportunity. Soon all may demand large sums of money for doing |
|---|
| 505 |
what they used to do for pleasure. When another couple of years go by, |
|---|
| 506 |
everyone connected with the field will deride the idea that work would |
|---|
| 507 |
be done in the field without large financial returns. They will advise |
|---|
| 508 |
social planners to ensure that these returns are possible, prescribing |
|---|
| 509 |
special privileges, powers and monopolies as necessary to do so. |
|---|
| 510 |
|
|---|
| 511 |
This change happened in the field of computer programming in the past |
|---|
| 512 |
decade. Fifteen years ago, there were articles on "computer |
|---|
| 513 |
addiction": users were "onlining" and had hundred-dollar-a-week habits. |
|---|
| 514 |
It was generally understood that people frequently loved programming |
|---|
| 515 |
enough to break up their marriages. Today, it is generally understood |
|---|
| 516 |
that no one would program except for a high rate of pay. People have |
|---|
| 517 |
forgotten what they knew fifteen years ago. |
|---|
| 518 |
|
|---|
| 519 |
When it is true at a given time that most people will work in a |
|---|
| 520 |
certain field only for high pay, it need not remain true. The dynamic |
|---|
| 521 |
of change can run in reverse, if society provides an impetus. If we |
|---|
| 522 |
take away the possibility of great wealth, then after a while, when the |
|---|
| 523 |
people have readjusted their attitudes, they will once again be eager |
|---|
| 524 |
to work in the field for the joy of accomplishment. |
|---|
| 525 |
|
|---|
| 526 |
The question, "How can we pay programmers?", becomes an easier |
|---|
| 527 |
question when we realize that it's not a matter of paying them a |
|---|
| 528 |
fortune. A mere living is easier to raise. |
|---|
| 529 |
|
|---|
| 530 |
Funding Free Software |
|---|
| 531 |
===================== |
|---|
| 532 |
|
|---|
| 533 |
Institutions that pay programmers do not have to be software houses. |
|---|
| 534 |
Many other institutions already exist which can do this. |
|---|
| 535 |
|
|---|
| 536 |
Hardware manufacturers find it essential to support software |
|---|
| 537 |
development even if they cannot control the use of the software. In |
|---|
| 538 |
1970, much of their software was free because they did not consider |
|---|
| 539 |
restricting it. Today, their increasing willingness to join |
|---|
| 540 |
consortiums shows their realization that owning the software is not |
|---|
| 541 |
what is really important for them. |
|---|
| 542 |
|
|---|
| 543 |
Universities conduct many programming projects. Today, they often |
|---|
| 544 |
sell the results, but in the 1970s, they did not. Is there any doubt |
|---|
| 545 |
that universities would develop free software if they were not allowed |
|---|
| 546 |
to sell software? These projects could be supported by the same |
|---|
| 547 |
government contracts and grants which now support proprietary software |
|---|
| 548 |
development. |
|---|
| 549 |
|
|---|
| 550 |
It is common today for university researchers to get grants to |
|---|
| 551 |
develop a system, develop it nearly to the point of completion and call |
|---|
| 552 |
that "finished", and then start companies where they really finish the |
|---|
| 553 |
project and make it usable. Sometimes they declare the unfinished |
|---|
| 554 |
version "free"; if they are thoroughly corrupt, they instead get an |
|---|
| 555 |
exclusive license from the university. This is not a secret; it is |
|---|
| 556 |
openly admitted by everyone concerned. Yet if the researchers were not |
|---|
| 557 |
exposed to the temptation to do these things, they would still do their |
|---|
| 558 |
research. |
|---|
| 559 |
|
|---|
| 560 |
Programmers writing free software can make their living by selling |
|---|
| 561 |
services related to the software. I have been hired to port the GNU C |
|---|
| 562 |
compiler to new hardware, and to make user-interface extensions to GNU |
|---|
| 563 |
Emacs. (I offer these improvements to the public once they are done.) |
|---|
| 564 |
I also teach classes for which I am paid. |
|---|
| 565 |
|
|---|
| 566 |
I am not alone in working this way; there is now a successful, |
|---|
| 567 |
growing corporation which does no other kind of work. Several other |
|---|
| 568 |
companies also provide commercial support for the free software of the |
|---|
| 569 |
GNU system. This is the beginning of the independent software support |
|---|
| 570 |
industry-an industry that could become quite large if free software |
|---|
| 571 |
becomes prevalent. It provides users with an option generally |
|---|
| 572 |
unavailable for proprietary software, except to the very wealthy. |
|---|
| 573 |
|
|---|
| 574 |
New institutions such as the Free Software Foundation can also fund |
|---|
| 575 |
programmers. Most of the foundation's funds come from users buying |
|---|
| 576 |
tapes through the mail. The software on the tapes is free, which means |
|---|
| 577 |
that every user has the freedom to copy it and change it, but many |
|---|
| 578 |
nonetheless pay to get copies. (Recall that "free software" refers to |
|---|
| 579 |
freedom, not to price.) Some users order tapes who already have a copy, |
|---|
| 580 |
as a way of making a contribution they feel we deserve. The Foundation |
|---|
| 581 |
also receives sizable donations from computer manufacturers. |
|---|
| 582 |
|
|---|
| 583 |
The Free Software Foundation is a charity, and its income is spent on |
|---|
| 584 |
hiring as many programmers as possible. If it had been set up as a |
|---|
| 585 |
business, distributing the same free software to the public for the same |
|---|
| 586 |
fee, it would now provide a very good living for its founder. |
|---|
| 587 |
|
|---|
| 588 |
Because the Foundation is a charity, programmers often work for the |
|---|
| 589 |
Foundation for half of what they could make elsewhere. They do this |
|---|
| 590 |
because we are free of bureaucracy, and because they feel satisfaction |
|---|
| 591 |
in knowing that their work will not be obstructed from use. Most of |
|---|
| 592 |
all, they do it because programming is fun. In addition, volunteers |
|---|
| 593 |
have written many useful programs for us. (Recently even technical |
|---|
| 594 |
writers have begun to volunteer.) |
|---|
| 595 |
|
|---|
| 596 |
This confirms that programming is among the most fascinating of all |
|---|
| 597 |
fields, along with music and art. We don't have to fear that no one |
|---|
| 598 |
will want to program. |
|---|
| 599 |
|
|---|
| 600 |
What Do Users Owe to Developers? |
|---|
| 601 |
================================ |
|---|
| 602 |
|
|---|
| 603 |
There is a good reason for users of software to feel a moral |
|---|
| 604 |
obligation to contribute to its support. Developers of free software |
|---|
| 605 |
are contributing to the users' activities, and it is both fair and in |
|---|
| 606 |
the long term interest of the users to give them funds to continue. |
|---|
| 607 |
|
|---|
| 608 |
However, this does not apply to proprietary software developers, |
|---|
| 609 |
since obstructionism deserves a punishment rather than a reward. |
|---|
| 610 |
|
|---|
| 611 |
We thus have a paradox: the developer of useful software is entitled |
|---|
| 612 |
to the support of the users, but any attempt to turn this moral |
|---|
| 613 |
obligation into a requirement destroys the basis for the obligation. A |
|---|
| 614 |
developer can either deserve a reward or demand it, but not both. |
|---|
| 615 |
|
|---|
| 616 |
I believe that an ethical developer faced with this paradox must act |
|---|
| 617 |
so as to deserve the reward, but should also entreat the users for |
|---|
| 618 |
voluntary donations. Eventually the users will learn to support |
|---|
| 619 |
developers without coercion, just as they have learned to support public |
|---|
| 620 |
radio and television stations. |
|---|
| 621 |
|
|---|
| 622 |
What Is Software Productivity? |
|---|
| 623 |
****************************** |
|---|
| 624 |
|
|---|
| 625 |
If software were free, there would still be programmers, but perhaps |
|---|
| 626 |
fewer of them. Would this be bad for society? |
|---|
| 627 |
|
|---|
| 628 |
Not necessarily. Today the advanced nations have fewer farmers than |
|---|
| 629 |
in 1900, but we do not think this is bad for society, because the few |
|---|
| 630 |
deliver more food to the consumers than the many used to do. We call |
|---|
| 631 |
this improved productivity. Free software would require far fewer |
|---|
| 632 |
programmers to satisfy the demand, because of increased software |
|---|
| 633 |
productivity at all levels: |
|---|
| 634 |
|
|---|
| 635 |
* Wider use of each program that is developed. |
|---|
| 636 |
|
|---|
| 637 |
* The ability to adapt existing programs for customization instead |
|---|
| 638 |
of starting from scratch. |
|---|
| 639 |
|
|---|
| 640 |
* Better education of programmers. |
|---|
| 641 |
|
|---|
| 642 |
* The elimination of duplicate development effort. |
|---|
| 643 |
|
|---|
| 644 |
Those who object to cooperation because it would result in the |
|---|
| 645 |
employment of fewer programmers, are actually objecting to increased |
|---|
| 646 |
productivity. Yet these people usually accept the widely-held belief |
|---|
| 647 |
that the software industry needs increased productivity. How is this? |
|---|
| 648 |
|
|---|
| 649 |
"Software productivity" can mean two different things: the overall |
|---|
| 650 |
productivity of all software development, or the productivity of |
|---|
| 651 |
individual projects. Overall productivity is what society would like to |
|---|
| 652 |
improve, and the most straightforward way to do this is to eliminate the |
|---|
| 653 |
artificial obstacles to cooperation which reduce it. But researchers |
|---|
| 654 |
who study the field of "software productivity" focus only on the |
|---|
| 655 |
second, limited, sense of the term, where improvement requires difficult |
|---|
| 656 |
technological advances. |
|---|
| 657 |
|
|---|
| 658 |
Is Competition Inevitable? |
|---|
| 659 |
************************** |
|---|
| 660 |
|
|---|
| 661 |
Is it inevitable that people will try to compete, to surpass their |
|---|
| 662 |
rivals in society? Perhaps it is. But competition itself is not |
|---|
| 663 |
harmful; the harmful thing is *combat*. |
|---|
| 664 |
|
|---|
| 665 |
There are many ways to compete. Competition can consist of trying to |
|---|
| 666 |
achieve ever more, to outdo what others have done. For example, in the |
|---|
| 667 |
old days, there was competition among programming wizards--competition |
|---|
| 668 |
for who could make the computer do the most amazing thing, or for who |
|---|
| 669 |
could make the shortest or fastest program for a given task. This kind |
|---|
| 670 |
of competition can benefit everyone, *as long as* the spirit of good |
|---|
| 671 |
sportsmanship is maintained. |
|---|
| 672 |
|
|---|
| 673 |
Constructive competition is enough competition to motivate people to |
|---|
| 674 |
great efforts. A number of people are competing to be the first to have |
|---|
| 675 |
visited all the countries on Earth; some even spend fortunes trying to |
|---|
| 676 |
do this. But they do not bribe ship captains to strand their rivals on |
|---|
| 677 |
desert islands. They are content to let the best person win. |
|---|
| 678 |
|
|---|
| 679 |
Competition becomes combat when the competitors begin trying to |
|---|
| 680 |
impede each other instead of advancing themselves--when "Let the best |
|---|
| 681 |
person win" gives way to "Let me win, best or not." Proprietary |
|---|
| 682 |
software is harmful, not because it is a form of competition, but |
|---|
| 683 |
because it is a form of combat among the citizens of our society. |
|---|
| 684 |
|
|---|
| 685 |
Competition in business is not necessarily combat. For example, when |
|---|
| 686 |
two grocery stores compete, their entire effort is to improve their own |
|---|
| 687 |
operations, not to sabotage the rival. But this does not demonstrate a |
|---|
| 688 |
special commitment to business ethics; rather, there is little scope for |
|---|
| 689 |
combat in this line of business short of physical violence. Not all |
|---|
| 690 |
areas of business share this characteristic. Withholding information |
|---|
| 691 |
that could help everyone advance is a form of combat. |
|---|
| 692 |
|
|---|
| 693 |
Business ideology does not prepare people to resist the temptation to |
|---|
| 694 |
combat the competition. Some forms of combat have been made banned with |
|---|
| 695 |
anti-trust laws, truth in advertising laws, and so on, but rather than |
|---|
| 696 |
generalizing this to a principled rejection of combat in general, |
|---|
| 697 |
executives invent other forms of combat which are not specifically |
|---|
| 698 |
prohibited. Society's resources are squandered on the economic |
|---|
| 699 |
equivalent of factional civil war. |
|---|
| 700 |
|
|---|
| 701 |
"Why Don't You Move to Russia?" |
|---|
| 702 |
******************************* |
|---|
| 703 |
|
|---|
| 704 |
In the United States, any advocate of other than the most extreme |
|---|
| 705 |
form of laissez-faire selfishness has often heard this accusation. For |
|---|
| 706 |
example, it is leveled against the supporters of a national health care |
|---|
| 707 |
system, such as is found in all the other industrialized nations of the |
|---|
| 708 |
free world. It is leveled against the advocates of public support for |
|---|
| 709 |
the arts, also universal in advanced nations. The idea that citizens |
|---|
| 710 |
have any obligation to the public good is identified in America with |
|---|
| 711 |
Communism. But how similar are these ideas? |
|---|
| 712 |
|
|---|
| 713 |
Communism as was practiced in the Soviet Union was a system of |
|---|
| 714 |
central control where all activity was regimented, supposedly for the |
|---|
| 715 |
common good, but actually for the sake of the members of the Communist |
|---|
| 716 |
party. And where copying equipment was closely guarded to prevent |
|---|
| 717 |
illegal copying. |
|---|
| 718 |
|
|---|
| 719 |
The American system of intellectual property exercises central |
|---|
| 720 |
control over distribution of a program, and guards copying equipment |
|---|
| 721 |
with automatic copying protection schemes to prevent illegal copying. |
|---|
| 722 |
|
|---|
| 723 |
By contrast, I am working to build a system where people are free to |
|---|
| 724 |
decide their own actions; in particular, free to help their neighbors, |
|---|
| 725 |
and free to alter and improve the tools which they use in their daily |
|---|
| 726 |
lives. A system based on voluntary cooperation, and decentralization. |
|---|
| 727 |
|
|---|
| 728 |
Thus, if we are to judge views by their resemblance to Russian |
|---|
| 729 |
Communism, it is the software owners who are the Communists. |
|---|
| 730 |
|
|---|
| 731 |
The Question of Premises |
|---|
| 732 |
************************ |
|---|
| 733 |
|
|---|
| 734 |
I make the assumption in this paper that a user of software is no |
|---|
| 735 |
less important than an author, or even an author's employer. In other |
|---|
| 736 |
words, their interests and needs have equal weight, when we decide |
|---|
| 737 |
which course of action is best. |
|---|
| 738 |
|
|---|
| 739 |
This premise is not universally accepted. Many maintain that an |
|---|
| 740 |
author's employer is fundamentally more important than anyone else. |
|---|
| 741 |
They say, for example, that the purpose of having owners of software is |
|---|
| 742 |
to give the author's employer the advantage he deserves--regardless of |
|---|
| 743 |
how this may affect the public. |
|---|
| 744 |
|
|---|
| 745 |
It is no use trying to prove or disprove these premises. Proof |
|---|
| 746 |
requires shared premises. So most of what I have to say is addressed |
|---|
| 747 |
only to those who share the premises I use, or at least are interested |
|---|
| 748 |
in what their consequences are. For those who believe that the owners |
|---|
| 749 |
are more important than everyone else, this paper is simply irrelevant. |
|---|
| 750 |
|
|---|
| 751 |
But why would a large number of Americans accept a premise which |
|---|
| 752 |
elevates certain people in importance above everyone else? Partly |
|---|
| 753 |
because of the belief that this premise is part of the legal traditions |
|---|
| 754 |
of American society. Some people feel that doubting the premise means |
|---|
| 755 |
challenging the basis of society. |
|---|
| 756 |
|
|---|
| 757 |
It is important for these people to know that this premise is not |
|---|
| 758 |
part of our legal tradition. It never has been. |
|---|
| 759 |
|
|---|
| 760 |
Thus, the Constitution says that the purpose of copyright is to |
|---|
| 761 |
"promote the progress of science and the useful arts." The Supreme |
|---|
| 762 |
Court has elaborated on this, stating in `Fox Film vs. Doyal' that "The |
|---|
| 763 |
sole interest of the United States and the primary object in conferring |
|---|
| 764 |
the [copyright] monopoly lie in the general benefits derived by the |
|---|
| 765 |
public from the labors of authors." |
|---|
| 766 |
|
|---|
| 767 |
We are not required to agree with the Constitution or the Supreme |
|---|
| 768 |
Court. (At one time, they both condoned slavery.) So their positions |
|---|
| 769 |
do not disprove the owner supremacy premise. But I hope that the |
|---|
| 770 |
awareness that this is a radical right-wing assumption rather than a |
|---|
| 771 |
traditionally recognized one will weaken its appeal. |
|---|
| 772 |
|
|---|
| 773 |
Conclusion |
|---|
| 774 |
********** |
|---|
| 775 |
|
|---|
| 776 |
We like to think that our society encourages helping your neighbor; |
|---|
| 777 |
but each time we reward someone for obstructionism, or admire them for |
|---|
| 778 |
the wealth they have gained in this way, we are sending the opposite |
|---|
| 779 |
message. |
|---|
| 780 |
|
|---|
| 781 |
Software hoarding is one form of our general willingness to disregard |
|---|
| 782 |
the welfare of society for personal gain. We can trace this disregard |
|---|
| 783 |
from Ronald Reagan to Jim Bakker, from Ivan Boesky to Exxon, from |
|---|
| 784 |
failing banks to failing schools. We can measure it with the size of |
|---|
| 785 |
the homeless population and the prison population. The antisocial |
|---|
| 786 |
spirit feeds on itself, because the more we see that other people will |
|---|
| 787 |
not help us, the more it seems futile to help them. Thus society decays |
|---|
| 788 |
into a jungle. |
|---|
| 789 |
|
|---|
| 790 |
If we don't want to live in a jungle, we must change our attitudes. |
|---|
| 791 |
We must start sending the message that a good citizen is one who |
|---|
| 792 |
cooperates when appropriate, not one who is successful at taking from |
|---|
| 793 |
others. I hope that the free software movement will contribute to |
|---|
| 794 |
this: at least in one area, we will replace the jungle with a more |
|---|
| 795 |
efficient system which encourages and runs on voluntary cooperation. |
|---|
| 796 |
|
|---|
| 797 |
---------- Footnotes ---------- |
|---|
| 798 |
|
|---|
| 799 |
(1) The word "free" in "free software" refers to freedom, not to |
|---|
| 800 |
price; the price paid for a copy of a free program may be zero, or |
|---|
| 801 |
small, or (rarely) quite large. |
|---|
| 802 |
|
|---|
| 803 |
(2) The issues of pollution and traffic congestion do not alter |
|---|
| 804 |
this conclusion. If we wish to make driving more expensive to |
|---|
| 805 |
discourage driving in general, it is disadvantageous to do this using |
|---|
| 806 |
toll booths, which contribute to both pollution and congestion. A tax |
|---|
| 807 |
on gasoline is much better. Likewise, a desire to enhance safety by |
|---|
| 808 |
limiting maximum speed is not relevant; a free access road enhances the |
|---|
| 809 |
average speed by avoiding stops and delays, for any given speed limit. |
|---|
| 810 |
|
|---|
| 811 |
(3) One might regard a particular computer program as a harmful |
|---|
| 812 |
thing that should not be available at all, like the Lotus Marketplace |
|---|
| 813 |
database of personal information, which was withdrawn from sale due to |
|---|
| 814 |
public disapproval. Most of what I say does not apply to this case, |
|---|
| 815 |
but it makes little sense to argue for having an owner on the grounds |
|---|
| 816 |
that the owner will make the program less available. The owner will |
|---|
| 817 |
not make it *completely* unavailable, as one would wish in the case of |
|---|
| 818 |
a program whose use is considered destructive. |
|---|
| 819 |
|
|---|